Corporate Responsibility (2020) Movie Script
"Corporate Accountability
for Crimes against Humanity,
Repression of Workers
during State Terrorism."
First edition: November 2015.
ISBN: still pending.
Publishing house:
Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
This book allows
for total or partial reproduction,
storage in a computer system,
transmission in any form
or by any means,
including electronic and mechanical,
photocopying or other methods.
CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY
Main sugar refinery in the province
of Tucumn to this date.
26 workers were victims
of crimes against humanity.
21 workers are disappeared.
Economic benefits.
Close political links between Bussi
and the refinery owners,
the Paz family.
Proven supply of company vans
and information for repression
and abduction of workers
inside the premises.
After the coup,
the union was left
in the hands of the military
and the union building was used
as a clandestine detention centre.
The victims
had an important role in the union.
Operations conducted
with company vans.
Abductions carried out
inside company premises.
Benefits obtained by the company
under the protection
of the repressive system.
Substantial increase in production
and decrease in workforce.
The company provided information
to Intelligence Department D-2
through its private security agency.
Bussi set up his operations base
at the Concepcin refinery.
He had a bedroom
where he'd spend the nights.
Workers were abducted
inside the refinery premises
without any report
from the sugar factory.
Significant contributions
by the company
to the Patriotic Sugar Fund.
It helped finance Bussi's public works.
$700,000 dollars.
At least 11 out of the 26 victims
accounted for
were related to the union
as members of the works council.
Refinery with the highest increase
in production during the dictatorship.
The company improved
its efficiency and productivity
with a rise in production
and a 56% decrease in workforce.
At least 25 workers were victims
of crimes against humanity:
2 were murdered, 9 disappeared,
14 were abducted and later released.
At least 7 had joined
the works council
and the representative body.
Involvement of the company in abductions,
tortures and forced disappearances.
Supply of logistical
and material resources.
Abduction of union members
and politically active workers.
Abduction of workers in their workplace.
Dismissal of workers.
Economic benefits.
Significant increase in profits.
Acquisition of the Bella Vista
sugar cane mill.
They were taken to the military unit
located in the refinery.
The company allowed
the repressive forces to use
part of its premises
as a clandestine centre.
It provided vehicles
for the abduction of victims.
The army requested company managers
to cooperate with a census
of the town residents
and information about unionists.
Involvement of stewards
in identification of workers.
11 workers were arrested
in La Fronterita company premises.
A large number of abductions
in the refinery premises
with no due reports from managers.
About half of the 25 workers turned
victims at La Fronterita refinery
were part of the works council
or the representative body.
Existence of black lists prove
the persecution.
Benefits obtained by the company
between 1976-1983:
30,72% increase in production.
Significant decrease in workforce.
Contribution by La Fronterita
to the Fondo Patritico Azucarero
$400,000 dollars.
Managers and high-ranking officers
at Ledesma got involved in abductions,
some of them conducted
inside the factory.
Use of vans and lists of people
to be arrested
provided by the company.
Close links between the managers,
including owner Pedro Blaquier,
with repression agents.
Key role of ex-army men
as corporate officers.
Selective dismissal
of main activist workers.
Ledesma was literally occupied
by the security forces.
An arrest warrant was issued
against works council members
just for being part of the union.
"We, the managers at Ledesma,
have invested a large sum of money
to stage a coup d'tat in mid March '76.
In exchange, you must get rid
of troublemakers."
The orders came from Blaquier.
The use of vehicles
was registered on the logbooks
at Gendarmerie Unit No. 20.
The signatory officers ratified
the supply of vehicles
in exchange of security in the premises.
Ricardo Ardez
saw through his bedroom window
when his father was loaded onto a van
with the Ledesma logo
printed on the doors.
Mario Paz had the lists.
They admitted to the victims
or their relatives
that the company financed
the repression.
Blaquier gave $250 million to companies
from Argentinean army men
who financed the fight against terrorism.
The company provided gas
and housing to officers.
Its adherence
to the National Reorganization Process
was expressed in the local media.
Mario Paz declared that in order
to neutralize union activity,
Ledesma had collaborated
with money and men.
After the coup, workers were arrested
in their workplace
and inside the mining complex.
They were taken in company vehicles
to different armed forces offices.
Strong links between the company
and gendarmerie personnel
that operated in the mine.
Responsibility for the arrest
of 31 mine workers.
They had orders to arrest the members
of the union board.
They were put in vans
provided by the company,
arrested inside the mining complex,
mostly in their homes
and workplaces.
Most of them were union leaders
and representatives
and had taken part in disputes.
The managers indicated
which workers to arrest.
They provided personal data
for the arrests in their homes
and inside the mining premises.
It was known that the Aguilar gendarmerie
received double salary:
from the State and from the company.
Several arrests were conducted
in the workplace.
In some cases, managers were present.
Personal files and lists were used
to conduct arrests.
A slip of paper
with the company letterhead
listed the people to be arrested.
The personnel manager
went to the gendarmerie office
and released a worker under arrest.
That demonstrated who gave the orders
and who received them.
Gendarmerie monitored the entrance to
and exit from the mine.
The restriction of movement
in El Aguilar mining company
was publicly known.
There were private checkpoints
along the access route.
You needed company authorization
to enter the mine
and had to ask for permission
to leave El Alguilar.
There was only one closely-guarded
access to the mining campsite,
for which you needed
the managers' authorization.
At least 22 workers at La Veloz del Norte
were victims of crimes against humanity.
They were all arrested in January 1977
and taken
to Police Station No. 4 in Salta City.
They were tortured during arrest.
The company had a great deal
of information about the arrests.
Significant evidence shows
its direct responsibility.
Supply of material resources
such as personal vehicles and buses,
and storehouses for the abductions.
Managers present in areas
where the workers were tortured.
Supply of lists.
Some victims have declared witnessing
the owner and managers' participation.
Levin was present during the ride.
Levin was seen walking
down a corridor in the station.
Levin could be seen on two occasions.
Levin was seen in the police station.
Marcos Levin was seen at night
in the station.
Victor Hugo Bocos was recognized
as a high-ranking police officer
working as inspector
at La Veloz del Norte.
Bocos himself stated
that Levin went to the station
while his company personnel
were under arrest.
Some witnesses mentioned
the existence
of lists used for arrests.
According to survivors' testimonies,
the organization of work,
the bus timetables, the travel schedules,
and the drivers' shifts were planned
so that the arrests could be conducted.
Many workers from La Veloz del Norte
were arrested
during their runs
or upon arrival at bus stations.
A great deal of evidence points
to the fact that the arrests
were conducted
because of the workers' union activism.
Some statements mention
a retribution given by Levin
to the police forces
in charge of repression.
La Veloz del Norte circulation routes
were notoriously extended
during that time.
The company retains today
the concessions granted at that time.
Almost a hundred workers
and other people related to the company
were victims of crimes against humanity.
18 were murdered,
8 are currently missing,
69 were arrested and then released.
Acindar board president
was Jose Alfredo Martinez de Hoz.
He then became Treasury Secretary
of the dictatorship.
The company was not only aware
of human rights violations,
but also provided the repressive forces
with resources.
Militarization of the factory.
Arrest of workers in their workplace.
Supply of means of transport.
Supply of files.
There were abductions, tortures
and forced disappearances.
Some took place in the company
lodging house for singles,
serving as a clandestine
detention centre.
A large number of them did
union-related tasks.
There were close ties with
the police force through bonuses.
Acindar lodging houses accommodated
officers who tortured and murdered.
The police arrested him in his house
carrying a picture of him
taken in the plant.
During the arrest,
they were holding an Acindar orange file.
Only the company management
had that information.
"In case I needed a doctor visit."
Several witnesses mentioned
the existence of lists
with the names
of the people to be arrested.
At the door there were officers
with lists of people to be arrested.
It benefited from the 1982 statization
of private sector external debt.
$652 million dollars debt
was transferred to the State.
At least 80 female and male workers
were victims of crimes against humanity.
39 disappeared, 7 were murdered,
34 survived.
Abductions in the plant,
the army's omnipresence.
The company financed police stations
that served as clandestine centres.
Managers incited or witnessed
the abduction of workers.
Speculative lists made by the company
that made possible the arrest of workers.
They checked his name
on the long list they had.
The lists of wanted workers
that control officers had
were more frightening
than their weapons.
He mentioned
that he saw a "black notepad"
with the names of workers considered
"undesirable" by the company.
He was arrested at a checkpoint
because he was on a list
that the soldiers had.
One of the repressors said
they were being taken
for being union leaders.
They were called to the security
checkpoint and taken away.
He was called to the personnel office
for family reasons
and handed over by army men
to agents in civilian clothing.
Financial aid
to the Campana police station
while it served as an illegal centre
for detention and torture.
The head of the security system
in the Roccas' company
was ex Air Force sub officer
Roberto Paulino Nicolini.
Nicolini's presence
in military operations.
Nicolini reported directly
to Buenos Aires Police Intelligence
on "subversive" actions.
After the coup, the company
got packed with army men,
some of them passing off as workers.
Selective dismissals.
Elimination of troublesome personnel.
Main piece of evidence:
arrests at factories.
Even in the presence of managers.
At least 51 people suffered
state-company repression
in the shipyards by the river.
32 are related to Astarsa:
6 murdered, 12 disappeared,
14 released.
Most were politically active
and participated in the union.
Incorporation of managers
deeply involved with the repression.
Use of internal police directly
linked to the repressive forces.
Company offensive
to recover the productive order.
Company involvement
in information logistics,
essential for the repression.
Dismissal of activist workers.
Countless evidence of different kinds
show the supply of lists
with the activists' role and address.
The day of the coup,
early in the morning,
the army entered the factories
to take away activist workers
previously identified.
Arrival of the army holding lists.
Several workers were arrested inside
or on their way into the Astarsa plant.
Demand of shipyard payroll
with addresses
and indication of works council members
or union leaders.
The lists came from the shipyard.
Astarsa personnel received
in the usual envelopes
a slip of paper titled
"Declaration of Domicile."
The next day, several workers were
abducted from their homes.
Many of these arrests
took place in their homes.
The previous day
the management had required
workers to update
their addresses within 48 hours.
Managers identified the reps,
their role, seniority, and address.
They proceeded to surround
the shipyards while holding a list.
Several workers were called
and taken away in a truck.
On entering the shipyard, he found
a great amount of army personnel.
They were surrounding the place
and identifying staff
as they were entering
apparently by checking their IDs
against a list they had.
They took all the shipyard
representatives in trucks.
The officers were very casual about it,
as if they knew perfectly well
which ones to take:
all the union representatives.
Unlike Astarsa, in Mestrina
almost all victims were abducted
in the factory
on the first two days following the coup.
Families' demands provide us
with documentation.
Telegram:
"Unable to attend work in 24 hours
after being taken away from shipyard
in front of you
and other witnesses by army personnel."
Corporate involvement in the crimes
with the supply of lists
was key to achieve their goals.
The Police Intelligence
received numerous lists
of activist workers soon to be victims.
They had the company letterhead.
Rezeck's daughter stated that her father
was approached
at Mestrina entrance checkpoint
by army officers who asked
about him and other people
holding a list of their names.
Another feature
of the repression modus operandi:
dismissal of activist workers.
August 1976.
Tigre regional unit information chief
was notified
that there were no representatives
or committees left in the shipyard.
At least 16 workers
from Lozadur and Cattneo
were victims of crimes against humanity.
14 are disappeared,
2 were murdered.
Presence of the army inside the factory
intimidating the workers
in labour disputes.
Abduction of workers at the workplace.
Company statements
in several minute books
clearly suggest they supported
the repressive actions.
"We cannot keep tolerating
labour disputes with no solution.
The overall problem at hand
requires drastic and definite solutions.
If they're not achieved,
the company will go into liquidation."
Consequently,
the board unanimously decided
to dismiss all the troublemakers
with just cause.
The workers found the factory closed.
An army squad was stationed
at the entrance door
and an officer informed them
that military area 420
was closing the plant
and that 800 workers
had been dismissed.
The workers considered to be
"more invested in that attitude"
were the abducted ones
during the period
that the company remained closed.
The factory closed its doors
and sent notices of dismissal
to all their workers.
The abductions happened
during this period.
They sent telegrams to their homes
urging them to show up at work,
although they knew
about the abductions
because relatives had reported that
to the company.
Closing of factory
and dismissal with just cause
of troublesome personnel.
Dismissal under decree by the Ministry
of Labour that establishes.
"Any union organization
as stated under act 21,400
allows for dismissal
without compensation."
Companies awareness
of forced disappearances.
They provided a series of resources
to execute the repression.
Presence of the army inside the factory
intimidating workers in labour disputes.
Serious threats from military officers
in the presence of company managers.
Army's involvement
in the company lockout strategy.
Abductions and torture
inside the factory.
Central role of security employees.
Meetings between managers
and armed forces personnel.
Detention and torment of workers
in the guard post.
It could be inferred that the armed forces
entered Cattneo
and used its premises
to conduct the abductions.
The army truck was inside the factory.
They had a list.
Meetings between repressive forces
and the managers
with the purpose of breaking up
the union organization.
They asked for information
on all the political activists
from the works council.
He was threatened:
if production levels weren't increased,
"he'd be taken to Campo de Mayo
to never be seen again."
Replacement of specific workers
to proceed with the abductions.
Change of private security
and access to the factory.
One of the security guards
was appointed a couple of days
before people started getting abducted.
The company profited from the situation
by cancelling economic contracts
with disappeared workers
and avoiding paying families their due.
37 victims of state terrorism.
The repression was particularly focused
on the representative body.
They were tortured
in the company sports field shed.
The company awareness
of the detentions is clear.
Several of them were carried out
inside the factory
during working hours, in the presence
of workmates and managers.
In one case, the plant security chief
took part in the interrogation.
The company itself made
a list of workers
and handed it to the repressive forces.
They provided personal files,
pictures of their employees,
and even vans for transfers.
A great variety of statements
highlight the existence
of a list of employees made by Ford
on paper that had
the company letterhead.
Arrested due to a list made by Ford
of some of its employees,
which was shown to him.
It was a legal size paper
with the Ford logo.
"Here are all the names
given by the company
of the workers they want us to wipe out."
"Most of the names were crossed out."
"My husband's name
wasn't crossed out yet."
"He had a list of about 20,
30 names typewritten."
"I remember the paper had the Ford logo."
The workers were arrested
based on pictures the company had.
He was recognized with the picture
on his personal company file.
He was shown a photo
that he later recognized
as the one on his company file.
The kidnappers
had his Ford personal file.
It profited from the sale of 90 green
non-identifiable Ford Falcon vehicles
to equip the local police stations.
These vehicles were key
to clandestine repressive operations
in the last dictatorship.
At least 20 workers at Mercedes-Benz
were victims of crimes against humanity.
15 are disappeared.
Most of the victims
were union activists in the factory.
The manager got involved in the crimes
in two possible ways:
by providing information
to the repressive forces
and by making
numerous material contributions
that were essential
to commit the crimes.
A special fund "for social action"
was established.
1% of each vehicle sale went
to the "eradication of negative elements"
from the factory.
Nez disappeared
after manager Tasselkraut
gave his address
to the repressive agents
who were in his office.
The conversation was heard
by Hector Anbal Ratto.
Several workers were abducted
at the addresses stated
on their company files.
The kidnappers
went to the house next door
to the address shown on the file.
Jose Barreiro Bueno escaped abduction
when a group of hooded people
burst into the house
he had registered for the company.
They didn't find him
because he lived somewhere else.
Ruben Luis Lavalln,
Alfredo Martin's torturer
and Alberto Gigena's kidnapper,
was hired by the company
as security chief.
The company donated
neonatal equipment
to Campo de Mayo hospital.
The only maternity service
at Campo de Mayo,
was the one connected
to the clandestine detention centre.
Mercedes-Benz took part
in the statization of private debts,
transferring debt for
$92 million dollars.
At least 40 workers
at Bunge & Born textiles
were victims of repression.
20 are currently disappeared.
3 were murdered.
19 worked at the Grafa plant
in Buenos Aires.
14 cases took place before March 24,
which constitutes the main proof
of corporate accountability.
Role performed by manager
and ex army man
Jose Maria Menndez.
Appointed as general manager
in the month ten abductions took place.
From then on,
practically all the company victims
were disappeared.
Company involvement in the supply
of information and intelligence.
Labour disputes followed
immediately by abductions.
Simultaneous abduction
of numerous workers with union roles
with the aid of lists
provided by the company.
Presence of army officers
in the factories.
Godoy's wife mentioned a list
with the names of workers
to be abducted
left behind in her house by an officer
the night her husband was abducted.
She went to the factory to beg for help.
She recognized two cars in the parking lot
that she had seen
during the abduction that morning.
All the abductions took place
in workers' private residences
except for Moscoso's,
which happened at the factory doors.
Moscoso was the only one
who hadn't handed in
the route schedule
required by the company.
Bunge & Born used Grafa to get
the benefits offered by the dictatorship
turning it into one of the companies
with the highest foreign debt
and one of most favoured
with the 1982 statization of debts.
Bunge & Born
took advantage of the policies
and effects of the coup
to restructure its participation
in the textile industry
through the reallocation of plants
and dismissal of workers.
Delocalization of production away
from the huge Buenos Aires premises.
Out of all victims,
15 worked in Grafanor,
where state terrorism
performed the first trials
before the dictatorship was declared.
By the end of 1974,
the main leaders of the works council
at Grafanor resigned.
When the abductions and tortures
became systematic,
there were new resignations of workers
that belonged to the works council.
The representatives that didn't leave
the works council at Grafanor
disappeared.
Inside the factory there were
army and police intelligence agents
passing off as workers.
A worker stated having recognized
Menndez giving orders
at La Escuelita detention centre
in Famailla.
When he remembered
his confinement in La Escuelita,
he mentioned Jose Maria Menndez
organizing the repression.
Grafa itself passed on information
on who should be arrested
and who were union members.
One of the most visible effects
of repression in factories
was the decrease
in labour protests and demonstrations.
70 workers
victims of state terrorism:
24 workers abducted and released.
13 murdered, 32 disappeared.
Plant militarization.
Abduction on entrance door.
Workers under arrest in the plant.
Leaflets with death threats
to combative representatives.
Workers mentioned the presence,
in the area of arrests,
of shipyard security chief,
Captain Bigliardi
and union leaders.
At the shipyard entrance
a table was set
with a list of workers to be arrested.
The people on the list belonged
to sectors opposed
to the union management or had taken
an active role in labour protests.
"When you got to the entrance,
you were monitored
and your named was checked on the list.
If you were on it, you were hurled
into a truck and taken away...
Board members directly involved
in abductions, tortures,
and disappearance of workers.
Permanent and suffocating
military presence in the plant.
Use of shipyard vehicles for abductions.
Victims were mostly activist workers
involved in labour disputes.
Testimonies suggest
that a warehouse was used
as an illegal detention centre.
Military control
separated the people on the list.
The arrests were the justification
and main argument of the company
to get rid of those held responsible
for insubordination.
The company records
showed a decrease
in the percentage of money for wages.
43,80% in 1975;
23,10% in 1979.
Workforce went from 8,000
to 3,500 workers.
6 people were murdered,
19 disappeared,
and at least 11 were arrested
or kidnapped for political reasons
and later released.
Supply of documentation.
Evidence indicates that the company
participated in several ways
in repressive actions.
During the abductions,
they were interrogated
about the plant union activities.
The plant became a place
where the armed forces acted
without any kind of restriction.
The plant remained closed the first
couple of days following the coup.
A significant amount of representatives
decided against reinstatement afterwards.
Very few came back.
They found strong military presence.
Behind the gates, inside the premises,
a group of army men
were waiting with a list.
If the worker was on it,
they'd be arrested.
Once the coup was staged,
there is no record of conflicts or demands
due to the militarization of the plant.
Undercover agents
did intelligence tasks in the plant.
Usual mechanism:
When they were released
and sent back to their homes,
they'd get a notice of dismissal.
The abductions
were the motive for dismissal
with apparent just cause.
The wife of one
of the disappeared workers,
after receiving several notices
from the company,
let them know about his kidnapping.
One should wonder
if the company denies
the situation of the workers
who were abducted.
This is one of the main companies
that increased the foreign debt
in $80 million dollars.
About 20 victims
of crimes against humanity.
1 was murdered, 10 are disappeared.
The rest were released.
Most of them were well-known
for their union activism
and political affiliation.
After the coup, the company
was taken over by the army.
The transfer of power was key
to explain the crimes against humanity.
Agreement between the company
and the repressive forces
to infiltrate policemen
in civilian clothing
to collect information
and point out workers
considered as dissidents.
The repression,
unlike in other companies,
took place under military intervention.
Their mission was focused
on eradicating
union and political activity
from the factory
and giving it back to its owners.
Key role of security chief
in some of the incidents.
The company security chief,
Andres Avelino Pinelli,
non-commission officer,
commanded the operation.
He called him from the
security checkpoint
claiming he had a call
from an ill relative.
He was summoned by management
and abducted right there.
Fervent defence
of criminal process by Jorge Curi
in an autobiography.
Once the intervention ended,
the outgoing manager,
retired brigadier-general Laprida,
wrote, "I believe
I have fulfilled all my promises,
the most one important being the creation
of the necessary conditions
for a peaceful return of the company
to its rightful owners."
41 victims of terrorism.
6 of the registered victims
were murdered,
15 are disappeared, 16 survived,
and 4 have not been
accounted for to date.
13 were representatives.
5 had some kind
of political-union activity.
Military presence
and detentions at the plant.
Participation in information
and legal logistics.
Appointment of military
or security personnel to key positions.
Abductions and interrogations
related to union activity.
Use of state terrorism
to recover the order and power
lost inside the plant.
The representative board
was dissolved.
Union activity was prohibited.
Internal movement, political debate
and union organization were censored.
IDs and credentials had to be shown
in order to enter the building.
Some arrests were carried out thanks
to the identification of employees
by security personnel working at Swift.
Presence of Swift personnel
at interrogation and torture sessions.
Supply of workers' files
to repressive personnel
to be used at interrogations.
There are records
of Police Intelligence personnel
infiltrated in the cold-storage plant
since 1974 at least.
Several testimonies confirmed
that the abduction of workers
was related to union activity.
They were or had been representatives.
They were told they were arrested
due to their union and political activity.
The usual modus operandi:
dismissal of workers
that had been abducted
and consequently
couldn't show up at work.
Between 1971 and 1977,
the plant located at Berisso
had slightly over 5,000 workers.
During the dictatorship,
there was a drastic reduction
to a minimum of 836 workers.
18 workers at Alpargatas
were victims of crimes against humanity.
9 are disappeared.
Substantial evidence
of corporate collaboration
with the repression
and direct responsibility
for crimes by the management.
The most important labour disputes
were followed by arrests,
abductions and disappearance
of workers,
especially those linked
to union activity in the factory.
A body of evidence indicates
that the company was aware of
and participated in the crimes
against workers.
Testimonies show
the close relationship
between the company
and security forces.
Kidnappers told their victims
that the reason for their arrest
was their union activity.
Managers' statements reveal
that they were aware of the arrests.
At least one case indicates the ability
of managers to revert an arrest.
Victims' typology: most of them
protagonists or participants
in labour disputes.
The close correlation
between labour disputes and the arrests
indicate that the abductions
were clearly related to labour disputes.
The company knew
which workers were abducted,
tortured and disappeared.
The manager told Chayan
that his arrest was surprising
since the company
had nothing against him.
Economic use of criminal policies
to get benefits in production
and business.
Since the civic
and military dictatorship,
the company saw a clear possibility
to increase the workers' productivity
and end the politicization process
and increase of labour demands.
The dictatorship was attuned
to the company's desires.
They reported workers for violating
the prohibition to go on strike.
In the 70s, at the plant
located in Florencio Varela,
there was a rise in leftist political
and activist organizations.
Alignment of orthodox Peronism unionists
with management
against combative workers.
The company paid them
so they wouldn't defend anyone.
The coup was a turning point
in the relational dynamics
between workers and managers.
It stopped the rise of union
and political activism.
The company turned
to the repressive apparatus
to tip the balance in its favour.
Several combative workers
left the factory
after instructions of their organization
or out of fear.
During the strike in November 1977
at the Florencio Varela plant,
the arrest of workers
and interrogations with torture
became the norm.
The army and the police entered and
evacuated everyone from the factory.
Workers were forced
to leave the plant.
The security forces assisted the company
in the worst moments of conflict.
Alpargatas, with military authorization,
decided to close the factory
and prevent the entrance of workers.
The lockout affected about 2,000 workers.
The abductions were key
to the triumph against the strike.
It had a lasting impact on workers.
All strikers were later dismissed.
A big part of the victims
were active at the union
and several had been part of disputes
shortly before being abducted.
Discipline and working conditions
were modified.
Significant increase in the application
of disciplinary measures.
Reconfiguration of power relations.
Increase in work rhythm.
Obligation to remain visible at all times
under the supervisors' watch.
Prison-like system.
During these years,
the company opened new plants,
bought and established companies,
benefited
from several dictatorship policies
and reduced the cost of labour.
By 1983, the company had built
six new factories.
Aguilares, Tucumn in '72,
Catamarca in '77 and '83.
Formosa in '81, Corrientes in '81.
Santa Rosa, La Pampa in '84.
The military presence
was also evident at the plant in Tucumn.
The army camped
during the "Independence Operation".
Officers shared
the dining room with workers.
Through dictatorship repressive policies,
the company imposed
worse working conditions:
wages reduction,
faster production rhythm,
harsher disciplinary measures.
Roberts economic group.
Important expansion
during the last dictatorship.
It comprised 9 companies in 1973
and grew to 24 in 1983.
Wide range of economic benefits
and perks during the dictatorship.
They bought several companies.
It was one of the main beneficiaries
of the industrial promotion programs
implemented by the dictatorship.
Industrial concentration process.
Several managers
occupied important positions
in the military administration.
Alpargatas S.A. took part
in the statization of private debts,
transferring debt for
$227 million dollars.
At least 27 people
related to the company
were victims of crimes against humanity.
21 are disappeared.
4 were murdered.
1 survived the operation.
One little girl was appropriated.
All the victims had roles at the union.
The army entered the factory
and removed the cards of employees
on a list they had.
When the worker arrived
and asked about their card,
they were arrested and put
in one of the armed forces trucks
parked at the entrance of the factory.
Army men went from section to section
picking the workers registered on a list
with the letterhead
Molinos Ro de La Plata.
Word at the plant was
that the workers who organized
the strikes were marked.
After the coup,
the overseers of each section
made a list of the activists' names.
Abductions conducted at addresses
that only the company knew about.
Lasalle, raid to his parents' home
in Adrogu.
That was the residence
he gave at the factory.
Fermn Gonzalez,
his mother's house was raided.
It was the one registered in the factory.
The victims that directly incriminate
the company
for being abducted in their workplace
not only disappeared physically,
but were also blotted out
of Molinos records
as if they had never worked there.
With the coup,
the company got significant profits.
It went from $51 million in losses
to profits in the two following years
of over 133 and 111 million.
Cost of labour: 14% at the beginning
of the dictatorship.
It went down to 8% by the end of 1982.
By the end of the dictatorship,
Molinos was one of the companies
with the largest amount of foreign credit.
This debt would later
be assumed by the State.
Abduction of over 10 workers,
almost all of them active at unions.
2 of them are currently disappeared.
There's evidence of responsibility
by the company,
particularly by Adolfo Navajas Artaza,
its president.
Supply of information
and logistical and material resources.
Managers and high-ranking officers
motivated the arrests.
Presence of police personnel
inside the company
on a permanent basis.
Cases of abductions in houses located
inside the firm property.
Supply of physical places
to facilitate the repression.
Military campsite in company grounds.
Only the affiliated members who worked
at Las Maras were abducted.
According to several testimonies,
police officer Jose Ancheti
worked in Las Maras.
Police officer
Ramon Alberto Gimnez
affirmed taking part in his abduction
as a "pointer"
under Adolfo Navaja Artaza's orders.
Ancheti's task was indicating
the workers' homes
so they could be abducted.
He was hired as police officer
in Las Maras.
The repressors told him
that Pablo Navajas
had paid them $700 for torturing him.
The day he was arrested in his house,
the company had given him
a special day off.
Reynaldo Yualek showed him
a kind of card or file marked with red
with his father's name on it.
He had been marked by the company.
Victims' relatives regularly went
to ask Navajas Artaza
for the freedom of prisoners.
They were sure they were in prison
because he had commanded so.
At least 6 workers of the company
were victims of crimes against humanity.
2 labour lawyers,
Olavarra mining union consultants,
were abducted and tortured.
Managers reported
to military authorities.
Intervention of factories
and military presence.
Loma Negra managers
were directly involved.
Evidence indicate the responsibility
of managers
in the cement works factory.
Participation in information logistics
for illegal purposes.
Threats to use repression by managers.
Persecution of workers and union lawyers
for political reasons.
The company took evident advantage
from the new power relations
introduced by the coup.
Deliberately falsified reports
to cause the arrest of 6 workers.
The benefit obtained by the company
from the abduction
or murder of union lawyers
speaks of the advantage
taken by the company
of the new situation
created by state terrorism.
The company also took the opportunity
to modify unilaterally in 1977
the general wages agreement.
These rapid advances by the company
against labour triumphs
in years prior to the coup
were accompanied by a process
of selective expulsion.
The lack of investigations and reports
made impossible to prove
the corporate involvement in the crimes.
The return of the victims to the plant
dampened the mood,
and affected a deepened depression,
spreading the terror
among all the workmates.
Some arrests happened
at the factory doors.
The workers more involved in the union
were made to resign.
Arrests of union members
at the Barker plant.
They had surrounded the factory
with tanks to instil fear.
At the Barker plant,
Loma Negra set up an armed guard.
Identity control of those who entered.
They ordered the cement workers
to request authorization
at the police station
when they intended to leave the area.
The union office was closed.
The union leaders' and representatives'
houses were raided.
Intelligence reports admitted
to the infiltration
of police personnel in the factory.
1975, highest level
of participation of workers
in the company income: 19%.
In the following period,
that participation plummeted
until reaching 9% in 1983.
The company invoicing
had a continuous increase.
However,
the cost of labour decreased.
In 1983, Loma Negra workforce
was reduced by half
compared to the approximate number
of 1,500 in 1976.
Some testimonies indicate
close personal relationships,
such as the one
between Amalia Lacroze
with army officer Luis Premoli.
He retired from the force in June 1976,
and devoted himself
to the company's interests.
Another man linked to the forces
that took part
in the company management
was lawyer Eugenio Carlos Aramburu,
son of ex de facto president
Pedro Eugenio.
He joined the company board in 1978.
The newspaper supported the several coups
that happened in the country.
Highly conservative, anti-Peronist
and pro coup position.
After the coup,
the company dismissed 17 workers
benefiting from the suspension
of labour rights
introduced by the regime.
Two of the most combative workers
were abducted, tortured
and later murdered in July 1976.
Enrique Heinrich,
Miguel Angel Loyola.
They were very active in the union.
The intelligence services acted
together with the management
when they were picked
as the workers to get rid of.
The crimes were silenced
on the newspaper pages.
Their lifeless bodies appeared
with signs of torture
and numerous bullet impacts.
No manager or journalist
of La Nueva Provincia
attended their funeral
or gave condolences to their families.
The finding of the bodies evidenced
extreme levels of violence and cruelty.
These crimes happened
immediately after a labour dispute.
It had a strong exemplary effect
on the rest of workers.
No more protests were organized.
Different sources indicate
that the company managers
and, on one particular occasion,
Diana Julio Massot
gave the order to abduct and murder
Heinrich and Loyola.
Lawyer and lieutenant colonel
Mauricio Gutierrez
went of his own free will
and reported a conversation
on the days prior
to the abductions and murders
between Diana Julio Massot
and general Osvaldo Azpitarte.
Adel Vilas had told him
about that meeting.
"Osvaldo, we have no choice
other than wiping them out."
At least 118 workers were victims
of crimes against humanity.
52 are disappeared or were murdered.
35 belonged
to the plants Fiat Concord,
Fiat Materfer
and Grandes Motores Diesel
located in Ferreyra.
17 workers
disappeared or murdered
at the El Palomar factories
in Caseros and Sauce Viejo.
Most of these workers
were union representatives
or had an active role
in the works council.
The firm managers
and high-ranking officers
were well aware
of the violations to human rights
committed against their workers.
The 3rd Army Division
arrested 50 union representatives
in the workplace and in their homes
without a court order.
259 dismissed workers.
95% of them were members
of the works councils
and representative bodies.
False confrontations.
Many of the arrests
were conducted near Fiat plants
to intimidate workers.
Collaboration
with the abduction of workers
in the premises.
Supply of files.
Participation of company
security personnel
in abduction operations.
Illegal arrest of workers
inside the factory.
Awareness of incidents
by senior managers.
Lellin's girlfriend suspected
something strange was going on
and went to the factory.
She was told he hadn't gone to work.
But she saw his car
parked in the plant lot.
Clear participation of company guards
or security personnel
when they came looking for her son.
One of the men
who burst into the house
was wearing a shirt from Fiat Concord.
Often times it was Fiat's own personnel
who conducted illegal arrests
at the entrance of the factory or nearby.
Supply of files, addresses,
photo albums and information
by the personnel office
to the armed forces.
Graciela Geuna,
after her captivity at La Perla,
confirms having seen company folders
during interrogations
and torture sessions.
La Perla received complete folders
with photos of all the workers
from each factory.
In 1973, Arnaldo Rojas was murdered.
In 1974, activist union worker
and Communist Party member.
Jacobo Sarudiansky disappeared.
Murder of labour lawyer
Alfredo "Cuqui" Curutchet.
Homicide of Atilio Lopez,
Cordoba vice governor removed from office
and UTA union leader.
Pedro Cipriano Finger Rodrguez,
Adrin Renato Machado Garcia,
Juan Antonio Delgado,
Maximino "Petiso" Snchez,
Rene Salamanca,
Jos Alberto Ceballos,
Wilfredo Jess Meloni,
Miguel ngel Del Pla,
Pascual Delfn Luduea Leiva,
Guillermo Nievas Luduea,
Jess Jernimo Canelo,
Eduardo Jorge Mortini,
Martn Mora Jaime,
Alberto Canovas Estape,
Mario Domingo Oviedo Gonelli,
Nstor Gilberto Lellin D'Francesco,
Marcelo Hugo Abregu Aguirre,
Ectore Forneri,
Carlos Hctor Germn,
Beatriz Susana Snchez
Hernndez de Phaffen,
Hctor Oscar Lauge,
Carlos Hctor Germn,
Jorge Argaaraz,
Jos Mara Loyola Fajardo,
Arnaldo Anbal Liebana,
Roberto Eduardo Ferri,
Elda Francisetti,
Hctor Eliseo Martnez,
Ramiro Sergio Bustillo Rubio,
Carlos Guillermo Barrientos Vargas,
Hugo Jose Oyarzo,
Daniel Santos Ortega,
Pascual Hctor Ortega,
Carlos Masera,
Alberto Isidoro Losada Heredia,
Juan Eliseo Ledesma,
Juan Carlos Jurez,
Luis Alberto Lopez Mora,
Florencio Esteban Daz,
Eduardo Guillermo Castello Soto,
Alfredo Fornosari,
Ral Jos Suffi Gramajo.
Besides the persons just mentioned,
there's information
about the following workers
and ex-workers,
victims of state terrorism
in Fiat plants located in Ferreyra:
Ral Oscar Ceballos Cantn,
Vctor Omar Frontera Barrios,
Alberto Rubn Gonzlez Asee,
Ana Mara Liendo,
Oscar Omar Reyes,
Jorge Ernesto Romero Ricco,
Cristbal Rodolfo Romero Vera,
Ral Alberto Victorino Arguello,
Ramn Vilfredo Arguello,
Flix Gumersindo Bazn,
Jorge Anbal Benson,
Hugo Alfredo Bionchi,
Nancy Dora Castro,
Hugo Simn Ceaglio,
De Ciervi,
Ramn Ovidio Ferreyra,
Antonio Constanzo Fissore,
Jess Joaqun Gonzlez,
Ricardo Omar Gonzlez,
Florentino Alberto Julio,
Oscar Enrique Julio,
Lezcano,
Lima,
Faustino Renato Lpez,
Hctor Natalio Lpez,
Luis Andrs Maldonado,
Roberto Carlos Martnez,
Jose Hctor Pez,
Mario Polizzi,
Roberto Gerardo Post,
Vicente Pugliese,
Carlos Romero,
Rodolfo Cristbal Romero,
Francisco Rosales,
Rosales,
Ricardo Santiago Sarnago,
Ral Pedro Sere,
Dante Luis Suarez,
Alfio Taberna,
Osvaldo Ramn Torres,
Alberto Lucio Wilhelm,
Guillermo Edgardo Yulilta.
Regarding the plants located
in the provinces
of Buenos Aires and Santa Fe,
the following persons are registered:
Pedro Alcides Garca Castaeda,
Roberto Antonio Gimnez Tula,
Juan Marianidis De Vicenzo,
Guido Horacio Morn Surez,
Hugo Reynaldo Penino,
Jorge Oscar Scarimbolo Brunetti,
Mara Mercedes Valio Freijo,
Eduardo Villabrille Surez,
Gustavo Gerardo Dulicbruschi,
Norberto Cironi Prez,
Jorge Horacio Ardiles,
Jos Vctor Ardiles,
Vctor Manuel Caleffa,
Mximo Alberto Ferreyra,
Guillermo Daniel Cerveto.
There were at least 17 victims
at the Fiat plants in El Palomar
and Sauce Viejo.
Gabriel Di Vito,
Humberto Cecilio Ros,
Ral Ricardo Rodrguez Mesa,
Pablo Lorgio Borjas,
Bernardo Veksler,
Oscar Ramn Boero,
Norberto Aldo Partida Manccinelli.
Significant financial benefits.
The then president of the Central Bank
was Domingo Cavallo.
Statization of private sector debts.
Transformation of foreign private debt
into public debt.
Exponential increase
of Argentine foreign debt
throughout dictatorship.
The multinational conglomerate Fiat
(Sevel y Socma)
Managed to transfer debts to the state
totalling $177.875.000 dollars.
Systematic and comparative approach.
Transcending case studies
to make some connections
and patterns visible
in the combination.
This goes beyond the usual notion
of "complicity"
commonly associated
with being accessory to an action
carried out by another agent.
Concept of "accountability".
Active role by companies
in repressing workers.
The insufficiency of the "complicity"
concept should be addressed
as well as any other terminology
that gives corporate officers
a secondary role in the repression.
The existence
of clear corporate accountability
for the crimes against humanity
suffered by workers
should be pointed out.
This accountability should be
further studied by new investigations
in the name of memory and truth
and also in the name of justice.
for Crimes against Humanity,
Repression of Workers
during State Terrorism."
First edition: November 2015.
ISBN: still pending.
Publishing house:
Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
This book allows
for total or partial reproduction,
storage in a computer system,
transmission in any form
or by any means,
including electronic and mechanical,
photocopying or other methods.
CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY
Main sugar refinery in the province
of Tucumn to this date.
26 workers were victims
of crimes against humanity.
21 workers are disappeared.
Economic benefits.
Close political links between Bussi
and the refinery owners,
the Paz family.
Proven supply of company vans
and information for repression
and abduction of workers
inside the premises.
After the coup,
the union was left
in the hands of the military
and the union building was used
as a clandestine detention centre.
The victims
had an important role in the union.
Operations conducted
with company vans.
Abductions carried out
inside company premises.
Benefits obtained by the company
under the protection
of the repressive system.
Substantial increase in production
and decrease in workforce.
The company provided information
to Intelligence Department D-2
through its private security agency.
Bussi set up his operations base
at the Concepcin refinery.
He had a bedroom
where he'd spend the nights.
Workers were abducted
inside the refinery premises
without any report
from the sugar factory.
Significant contributions
by the company
to the Patriotic Sugar Fund.
It helped finance Bussi's public works.
$700,000 dollars.
At least 11 out of the 26 victims
accounted for
were related to the union
as members of the works council.
Refinery with the highest increase
in production during the dictatorship.
The company improved
its efficiency and productivity
with a rise in production
and a 56% decrease in workforce.
At least 25 workers were victims
of crimes against humanity:
2 were murdered, 9 disappeared,
14 were abducted and later released.
At least 7 had joined
the works council
and the representative body.
Involvement of the company in abductions,
tortures and forced disappearances.
Supply of logistical
and material resources.
Abduction of union members
and politically active workers.
Abduction of workers in their workplace.
Dismissal of workers.
Economic benefits.
Significant increase in profits.
Acquisition of the Bella Vista
sugar cane mill.
They were taken to the military unit
located in the refinery.
The company allowed
the repressive forces to use
part of its premises
as a clandestine centre.
It provided vehicles
for the abduction of victims.
The army requested company managers
to cooperate with a census
of the town residents
and information about unionists.
Involvement of stewards
in identification of workers.
11 workers were arrested
in La Fronterita company premises.
A large number of abductions
in the refinery premises
with no due reports from managers.
About half of the 25 workers turned
victims at La Fronterita refinery
were part of the works council
or the representative body.
Existence of black lists prove
the persecution.
Benefits obtained by the company
between 1976-1983:
30,72% increase in production.
Significant decrease in workforce.
Contribution by La Fronterita
to the Fondo Patritico Azucarero
$400,000 dollars.
Managers and high-ranking officers
at Ledesma got involved in abductions,
some of them conducted
inside the factory.
Use of vans and lists of people
to be arrested
provided by the company.
Close links between the managers,
including owner Pedro Blaquier,
with repression agents.
Key role of ex-army men
as corporate officers.
Selective dismissal
of main activist workers.
Ledesma was literally occupied
by the security forces.
An arrest warrant was issued
against works council members
just for being part of the union.
"We, the managers at Ledesma,
have invested a large sum of money
to stage a coup d'tat in mid March '76.
In exchange, you must get rid
of troublemakers."
The orders came from Blaquier.
The use of vehicles
was registered on the logbooks
at Gendarmerie Unit No. 20.
The signatory officers ratified
the supply of vehicles
in exchange of security in the premises.
Ricardo Ardez
saw through his bedroom window
when his father was loaded onto a van
with the Ledesma logo
printed on the doors.
Mario Paz had the lists.
They admitted to the victims
or their relatives
that the company financed
the repression.
Blaquier gave $250 million to companies
from Argentinean army men
who financed the fight against terrorism.
The company provided gas
and housing to officers.
Its adherence
to the National Reorganization Process
was expressed in the local media.
Mario Paz declared that in order
to neutralize union activity,
Ledesma had collaborated
with money and men.
After the coup, workers were arrested
in their workplace
and inside the mining complex.
They were taken in company vehicles
to different armed forces offices.
Strong links between the company
and gendarmerie personnel
that operated in the mine.
Responsibility for the arrest
of 31 mine workers.
They had orders to arrest the members
of the union board.
They were put in vans
provided by the company,
arrested inside the mining complex,
mostly in their homes
and workplaces.
Most of them were union leaders
and representatives
and had taken part in disputes.
The managers indicated
which workers to arrest.
They provided personal data
for the arrests in their homes
and inside the mining premises.
It was known that the Aguilar gendarmerie
received double salary:
from the State and from the company.
Several arrests were conducted
in the workplace.
In some cases, managers were present.
Personal files and lists were used
to conduct arrests.
A slip of paper
with the company letterhead
listed the people to be arrested.
The personnel manager
went to the gendarmerie office
and released a worker under arrest.
That demonstrated who gave the orders
and who received them.
Gendarmerie monitored the entrance to
and exit from the mine.
The restriction of movement
in El Aguilar mining company
was publicly known.
There were private checkpoints
along the access route.
You needed company authorization
to enter the mine
and had to ask for permission
to leave El Alguilar.
There was only one closely-guarded
access to the mining campsite,
for which you needed
the managers' authorization.
At least 22 workers at La Veloz del Norte
were victims of crimes against humanity.
They were all arrested in January 1977
and taken
to Police Station No. 4 in Salta City.
They were tortured during arrest.
The company had a great deal
of information about the arrests.
Significant evidence shows
its direct responsibility.
Supply of material resources
such as personal vehicles and buses,
and storehouses for the abductions.
Managers present in areas
where the workers were tortured.
Supply of lists.
Some victims have declared witnessing
the owner and managers' participation.
Levin was present during the ride.
Levin was seen walking
down a corridor in the station.
Levin could be seen on two occasions.
Levin was seen in the police station.
Marcos Levin was seen at night
in the station.
Victor Hugo Bocos was recognized
as a high-ranking police officer
working as inspector
at La Veloz del Norte.
Bocos himself stated
that Levin went to the station
while his company personnel
were under arrest.
Some witnesses mentioned
the existence
of lists used for arrests.
According to survivors' testimonies,
the organization of work,
the bus timetables, the travel schedules,
and the drivers' shifts were planned
so that the arrests could be conducted.
Many workers from La Veloz del Norte
were arrested
during their runs
or upon arrival at bus stations.
A great deal of evidence points
to the fact that the arrests
were conducted
because of the workers' union activism.
Some statements mention
a retribution given by Levin
to the police forces
in charge of repression.
La Veloz del Norte circulation routes
were notoriously extended
during that time.
The company retains today
the concessions granted at that time.
Almost a hundred workers
and other people related to the company
were victims of crimes against humanity.
18 were murdered,
8 are currently missing,
69 were arrested and then released.
Acindar board president
was Jose Alfredo Martinez de Hoz.
He then became Treasury Secretary
of the dictatorship.
The company was not only aware
of human rights violations,
but also provided the repressive forces
with resources.
Militarization of the factory.
Arrest of workers in their workplace.
Supply of means of transport.
Supply of files.
There were abductions, tortures
and forced disappearances.
Some took place in the company
lodging house for singles,
serving as a clandestine
detention centre.
A large number of them did
union-related tasks.
There were close ties with
the police force through bonuses.
Acindar lodging houses accommodated
officers who tortured and murdered.
The police arrested him in his house
carrying a picture of him
taken in the plant.
During the arrest,
they were holding an Acindar orange file.
Only the company management
had that information.
"In case I needed a doctor visit."
Several witnesses mentioned
the existence of lists
with the names
of the people to be arrested.
At the door there were officers
with lists of people to be arrested.
It benefited from the 1982 statization
of private sector external debt.
$652 million dollars debt
was transferred to the State.
At least 80 female and male workers
were victims of crimes against humanity.
39 disappeared, 7 were murdered,
34 survived.
Abductions in the plant,
the army's omnipresence.
The company financed police stations
that served as clandestine centres.
Managers incited or witnessed
the abduction of workers.
Speculative lists made by the company
that made possible the arrest of workers.
They checked his name
on the long list they had.
The lists of wanted workers
that control officers had
were more frightening
than their weapons.
He mentioned
that he saw a "black notepad"
with the names of workers considered
"undesirable" by the company.
He was arrested at a checkpoint
because he was on a list
that the soldiers had.
One of the repressors said
they were being taken
for being union leaders.
They were called to the security
checkpoint and taken away.
He was called to the personnel office
for family reasons
and handed over by army men
to agents in civilian clothing.
Financial aid
to the Campana police station
while it served as an illegal centre
for detention and torture.
The head of the security system
in the Roccas' company
was ex Air Force sub officer
Roberto Paulino Nicolini.
Nicolini's presence
in military operations.
Nicolini reported directly
to Buenos Aires Police Intelligence
on "subversive" actions.
After the coup, the company
got packed with army men,
some of them passing off as workers.
Selective dismissals.
Elimination of troublesome personnel.
Main piece of evidence:
arrests at factories.
Even in the presence of managers.
At least 51 people suffered
state-company repression
in the shipyards by the river.
32 are related to Astarsa:
6 murdered, 12 disappeared,
14 released.
Most were politically active
and participated in the union.
Incorporation of managers
deeply involved with the repression.
Use of internal police directly
linked to the repressive forces.
Company offensive
to recover the productive order.
Company involvement
in information logistics,
essential for the repression.
Dismissal of activist workers.
Countless evidence of different kinds
show the supply of lists
with the activists' role and address.
The day of the coup,
early in the morning,
the army entered the factories
to take away activist workers
previously identified.
Arrival of the army holding lists.
Several workers were arrested inside
or on their way into the Astarsa plant.
Demand of shipyard payroll
with addresses
and indication of works council members
or union leaders.
The lists came from the shipyard.
Astarsa personnel received
in the usual envelopes
a slip of paper titled
"Declaration of Domicile."
The next day, several workers were
abducted from their homes.
Many of these arrests
took place in their homes.
The previous day
the management had required
workers to update
their addresses within 48 hours.
Managers identified the reps,
their role, seniority, and address.
They proceeded to surround
the shipyards while holding a list.
Several workers were called
and taken away in a truck.
On entering the shipyard, he found
a great amount of army personnel.
They were surrounding the place
and identifying staff
as they were entering
apparently by checking their IDs
against a list they had.
They took all the shipyard
representatives in trucks.
The officers were very casual about it,
as if they knew perfectly well
which ones to take:
all the union representatives.
Unlike Astarsa, in Mestrina
almost all victims were abducted
in the factory
on the first two days following the coup.
Families' demands provide us
with documentation.
Telegram:
"Unable to attend work in 24 hours
after being taken away from shipyard
in front of you
and other witnesses by army personnel."
Corporate involvement in the crimes
with the supply of lists
was key to achieve their goals.
The Police Intelligence
received numerous lists
of activist workers soon to be victims.
They had the company letterhead.
Rezeck's daughter stated that her father
was approached
at Mestrina entrance checkpoint
by army officers who asked
about him and other people
holding a list of their names.
Another feature
of the repression modus operandi:
dismissal of activist workers.
August 1976.
Tigre regional unit information chief
was notified
that there were no representatives
or committees left in the shipyard.
At least 16 workers
from Lozadur and Cattneo
were victims of crimes against humanity.
14 are disappeared,
2 were murdered.
Presence of the army inside the factory
intimidating the workers
in labour disputes.
Abduction of workers at the workplace.
Company statements
in several minute books
clearly suggest they supported
the repressive actions.
"We cannot keep tolerating
labour disputes with no solution.
The overall problem at hand
requires drastic and definite solutions.
If they're not achieved,
the company will go into liquidation."
Consequently,
the board unanimously decided
to dismiss all the troublemakers
with just cause.
The workers found the factory closed.
An army squad was stationed
at the entrance door
and an officer informed them
that military area 420
was closing the plant
and that 800 workers
had been dismissed.
The workers considered to be
"more invested in that attitude"
were the abducted ones
during the period
that the company remained closed.
The factory closed its doors
and sent notices of dismissal
to all their workers.
The abductions happened
during this period.
They sent telegrams to their homes
urging them to show up at work,
although they knew
about the abductions
because relatives had reported that
to the company.
Closing of factory
and dismissal with just cause
of troublesome personnel.
Dismissal under decree by the Ministry
of Labour that establishes.
"Any union organization
as stated under act 21,400
allows for dismissal
without compensation."
Companies awareness
of forced disappearances.
They provided a series of resources
to execute the repression.
Presence of the army inside the factory
intimidating workers in labour disputes.
Serious threats from military officers
in the presence of company managers.
Army's involvement
in the company lockout strategy.
Abductions and torture
inside the factory.
Central role of security employees.
Meetings between managers
and armed forces personnel.
Detention and torment of workers
in the guard post.
It could be inferred that the armed forces
entered Cattneo
and used its premises
to conduct the abductions.
The army truck was inside the factory.
They had a list.
Meetings between repressive forces
and the managers
with the purpose of breaking up
the union organization.
They asked for information
on all the political activists
from the works council.
He was threatened:
if production levels weren't increased,
"he'd be taken to Campo de Mayo
to never be seen again."
Replacement of specific workers
to proceed with the abductions.
Change of private security
and access to the factory.
One of the security guards
was appointed a couple of days
before people started getting abducted.
The company profited from the situation
by cancelling economic contracts
with disappeared workers
and avoiding paying families their due.
37 victims of state terrorism.
The repression was particularly focused
on the representative body.
They were tortured
in the company sports field shed.
The company awareness
of the detentions is clear.
Several of them were carried out
inside the factory
during working hours, in the presence
of workmates and managers.
In one case, the plant security chief
took part in the interrogation.
The company itself made
a list of workers
and handed it to the repressive forces.
They provided personal files,
pictures of their employees,
and even vans for transfers.
A great variety of statements
highlight the existence
of a list of employees made by Ford
on paper that had
the company letterhead.
Arrested due to a list made by Ford
of some of its employees,
which was shown to him.
It was a legal size paper
with the Ford logo.
"Here are all the names
given by the company
of the workers they want us to wipe out."
"Most of the names were crossed out."
"My husband's name
wasn't crossed out yet."
"He had a list of about 20,
30 names typewritten."
"I remember the paper had the Ford logo."
The workers were arrested
based on pictures the company had.
He was recognized with the picture
on his personal company file.
He was shown a photo
that he later recognized
as the one on his company file.
The kidnappers
had his Ford personal file.
It profited from the sale of 90 green
non-identifiable Ford Falcon vehicles
to equip the local police stations.
These vehicles were key
to clandestine repressive operations
in the last dictatorship.
At least 20 workers at Mercedes-Benz
were victims of crimes against humanity.
15 are disappeared.
Most of the victims
were union activists in the factory.
The manager got involved in the crimes
in two possible ways:
by providing information
to the repressive forces
and by making
numerous material contributions
that were essential
to commit the crimes.
A special fund "for social action"
was established.
1% of each vehicle sale went
to the "eradication of negative elements"
from the factory.
Nez disappeared
after manager Tasselkraut
gave his address
to the repressive agents
who were in his office.
The conversation was heard
by Hector Anbal Ratto.
Several workers were abducted
at the addresses stated
on their company files.
The kidnappers
went to the house next door
to the address shown on the file.
Jose Barreiro Bueno escaped abduction
when a group of hooded people
burst into the house
he had registered for the company.
They didn't find him
because he lived somewhere else.
Ruben Luis Lavalln,
Alfredo Martin's torturer
and Alberto Gigena's kidnapper,
was hired by the company
as security chief.
The company donated
neonatal equipment
to Campo de Mayo hospital.
The only maternity service
at Campo de Mayo,
was the one connected
to the clandestine detention centre.
Mercedes-Benz took part
in the statization of private debts,
transferring debt for
$92 million dollars.
At least 40 workers
at Bunge & Born textiles
were victims of repression.
20 are currently disappeared.
3 were murdered.
19 worked at the Grafa plant
in Buenos Aires.
14 cases took place before March 24,
which constitutes the main proof
of corporate accountability.
Role performed by manager
and ex army man
Jose Maria Menndez.
Appointed as general manager
in the month ten abductions took place.
From then on,
practically all the company victims
were disappeared.
Company involvement in the supply
of information and intelligence.
Labour disputes followed
immediately by abductions.
Simultaneous abduction
of numerous workers with union roles
with the aid of lists
provided by the company.
Presence of army officers
in the factories.
Godoy's wife mentioned a list
with the names of workers
to be abducted
left behind in her house by an officer
the night her husband was abducted.
She went to the factory to beg for help.
She recognized two cars in the parking lot
that she had seen
during the abduction that morning.
All the abductions took place
in workers' private residences
except for Moscoso's,
which happened at the factory doors.
Moscoso was the only one
who hadn't handed in
the route schedule
required by the company.
Bunge & Born used Grafa to get
the benefits offered by the dictatorship
turning it into one of the companies
with the highest foreign debt
and one of most favoured
with the 1982 statization of debts.
Bunge & Born
took advantage of the policies
and effects of the coup
to restructure its participation
in the textile industry
through the reallocation of plants
and dismissal of workers.
Delocalization of production away
from the huge Buenos Aires premises.
Out of all victims,
15 worked in Grafanor,
where state terrorism
performed the first trials
before the dictatorship was declared.
By the end of 1974,
the main leaders of the works council
at Grafanor resigned.
When the abductions and tortures
became systematic,
there were new resignations of workers
that belonged to the works council.
The representatives that didn't leave
the works council at Grafanor
disappeared.
Inside the factory there were
army and police intelligence agents
passing off as workers.
A worker stated having recognized
Menndez giving orders
at La Escuelita detention centre
in Famailla.
When he remembered
his confinement in La Escuelita,
he mentioned Jose Maria Menndez
organizing the repression.
Grafa itself passed on information
on who should be arrested
and who were union members.
One of the most visible effects
of repression in factories
was the decrease
in labour protests and demonstrations.
70 workers
victims of state terrorism:
24 workers abducted and released.
13 murdered, 32 disappeared.
Plant militarization.
Abduction on entrance door.
Workers under arrest in the plant.
Leaflets with death threats
to combative representatives.
Workers mentioned the presence,
in the area of arrests,
of shipyard security chief,
Captain Bigliardi
and union leaders.
At the shipyard entrance
a table was set
with a list of workers to be arrested.
The people on the list belonged
to sectors opposed
to the union management or had taken
an active role in labour protests.
"When you got to the entrance,
you were monitored
and your named was checked on the list.
If you were on it, you were hurled
into a truck and taken away...
Board members directly involved
in abductions, tortures,
and disappearance of workers.
Permanent and suffocating
military presence in the plant.
Use of shipyard vehicles for abductions.
Victims were mostly activist workers
involved in labour disputes.
Testimonies suggest
that a warehouse was used
as an illegal detention centre.
Military control
separated the people on the list.
The arrests were the justification
and main argument of the company
to get rid of those held responsible
for insubordination.
The company records
showed a decrease
in the percentage of money for wages.
43,80% in 1975;
23,10% in 1979.
Workforce went from 8,000
to 3,500 workers.
6 people were murdered,
19 disappeared,
and at least 11 were arrested
or kidnapped for political reasons
and later released.
Supply of documentation.
Evidence indicates that the company
participated in several ways
in repressive actions.
During the abductions,
they were interrogated
about the plant union activities.
The plant became a place
where the armed forces acted
without any kind of restriction.
The plant remained closed the first
couple of days following the coup.
A significant amount of representatives
decided against reinstatement afterwards.
Very few came back.
They found strong military presence.
Behind the gates, inside the premises,
a group of army men
were waiting with a list.
If the worker was on it,
they'd be arrested.
Once the coup was staged,
there is no record of conflicts or demands
due to the militarization of the plant.
Undercover agents
did intelligence tasks in the plant.
Usual mechanism:
When they were released
and sent back to their homes,
they'd get a notice of dismissal.
The abductions
were the motive for dismissal
with apparent just cause.
The wife of one
of the disappeared workers,
after receiving several notices
from the company,
let them know about his kidnapping.
One should wonder
if the company denies
the situation of the workers
who were abducted.
This is one of the main companies
that increased the foreign debt
in $80 million dollars.
About 20 victims
of crimes against humanity.
1 was murdered, 10 are disappeared.
The rest were released.
Most of them were well-known
for their union activism
and political affiliation.
After the coup, the company
was taken over by the army.
The transfer of power was key
to explain the crimes against humanity.
Agreement between the company
and the repressive forces
to infiltrate policemen
in civilian clothing
to collect information
and point out workers
considered as dissidents.
The repression,
unlike in other companies,
took place under military intervention.
Their mission was focused
on eradicating
union and political activity
from the factory
and giving it back to its owners.
Key role of security chief
in some of the incidents.
The company security chief,
Andres Avelino Pinelli,
non-commission officer,
commanded the operation.
He called him from the
security checkpoint
claiming he had a call
from an ill relative.
He was summoned by management
and abducted right there.
Fervent defence
of criminal process by Jorge Curi
in an autobiography.
Once the intervention ended,
the outgoing manager,
retired brigadier-general Laprida,
wrote, "I believe
I have fulfilled all my promises,
the most one important being the creation
of the necessary conditions
for a peaceful return of the company
to its rightful owners."
41 victims of terrorism.
6 of the registered victims
were murdered,
15 are disappeared, 16 survived,
and 4 have not been
accounted for to date.
13 were representatives.
5 had some kind
of political-union activity.
Military presence
and detentions at the plant.
Participation in information
and legal logistics.
Appointment of military
or security personnel to key positions.
Abductions and interrogations
related to union activity.
Use of state terrorism
to recover the order and power
lost inside the plant.
The representative board
was dissolved.
Union activity was prohibited.
Internal movement, political debate
and union organization were censored.
IDs and credentials had to be shown
in order to enter the building.
Some arrests were carried out thanks
to the identification of employees
by security personnel working at Swift.
Presence of Swift personnel
at interrogation and torture sessions.
Supply of workers' files
to repressive personnel
to be used at interrogations.
There are records
of Police Intelligence personnel
infiltrated in the cold-storage plant
since 1974 at least.
Several testimonies confirmed
that the abduction of workers
was related to union activity.
They were or had been representatives.
They were told they were arrested
due to their union and political activity.
The usual modus operandi:
dismissal of workers
that had been abducted
and consequently
couldn't show up at work.
Between 1971 and 1977,
the plant located at Berisso
had slightly over 5,000 workers.
During the dictatorship,
there was a drastic reduction
to a minimum of 836 workers.
18 workers at Alpargatas
were victims of crimes against humanity.
9 are disappeared.
Substantial evidence
of corporate collaboration
with the repression
and direct responsibility
for crimes by the management.
The most important labour disputes
were followed by arrests,
abductions and disappearance
of workers,
especially those linked
to union activity in the factory.
A body of evidence indicates
that the company was aware of
and participated in the crimes
against workers.
Testimonies show
the close relationship
between the company
and security forces.
Kidnappers told their victims
that the reason for their arrest
was their union activity.
Managers' statements reveal
that they were aware of the arrests.
At least one case indicates the ability
of managers to revert an arrest.
Victims' typology: most of them
protagonists or participants
in labour disputes.
The close correlation
between labour disputes and the arrests
indicate that the abductions
were clearly related to labour disputes.
The company knew
which workers were abducted,
tortured and disappeared.
The manager told Chayan
that his arrest was surprising
since the company
had nothing against him.
Economic use of criminal policies
to get benefits in production
and business.
Since the civic
and military dictatorship,
the company saw a clear possibility
to increase the workers' productivity
and end the politicization process
and increase of labour demands.
The dictatorship was attuned
to the company's desires.
They reported workers for violating
the prohibition to go on strike.
In the 70s, at the plant
located in Florencio Varela,
there was a rise in leftist political
and activist organizations.
Alignment of orthodox Peronism unionists
with management
against combative workers.
The company paid them
so they wouldn't defend anyone.
The coup was a turning point
in the relational dynamics
between workers and managers.
It stopped the rise of union
and political activism.
The company turned
to the repressive apparatus
to tip the balance in its favour.
Several combative workers
left the factory
after instructions of their organization
or out of fear.
During the strike in November 1977
at the Florencio Varela plant,
the arrest of workers
and interrogations with torture
became the norm.
The army and the police entered and
evacuated everyone from the factory.
Workers were forced
to leave the plant.
The security forces assisted the company
in the worst moments of conflict.
Alpargatas, with military authorization,
decided to close the factory
and prevent the entrance of workers.
The lockout affected about 2,000 workers.
The abductions were key
to the triumph against the strike.
It had a lasting impact on workers.
All strikers were later dismissed.
A big part of the victims
were active at the union
and several had been part of disputes
shortly before being abducted.
Discipline and working conditions
were modified.
Significant increase in the application
of disciplinary measures.
Reconfiguration of power relations.
Increase in work rhythm.
Obligation to remain visible at all times
under the supervisors' watch.
Prison-like system.
During these years,
the company opened new plants,
bought and established companies,
benefited
from several dictatorship policies
and reduced the cost of labour.
By 1983, the company had built
six new factories.
Aguilares, Tucumn in '72,
Catamarca in '77 and '83.
Formosa in '81, Corrientes in '81.
Santa Rosa, La Pampa in '84.
The military presence
was also evident at the plant in Tucumn.
The army camped
during the "Independence Operation".
Officers shared
the dining room with workers.
Through dictatorship repressive policies,
the company imposed
worse working conditions:
wages reduction,
faster production rhythm,
harsher disciplinary measures.
Roberts economic group.
Important expansion
during the last dictatorship.
It comprised 9 companies in 1973
and grew to 24 in 1983.
Wide range of economic benefits
and perks during the dictatorship.
They bought several companies.
It was one of the main beneficiaries
of the industrial promotion programs
implemented by the dictatorship.
Industrial concentration process.
Several managers
occupied important positions
in the military administration.
Alpargatas S.A. took part
in the statization of private debts,
transferring debt for
$227 million dollars.
At least 27 people
related to the company
were victims of crimes against humanity.
21 are disappeared.
4 were murdered.
1 survived the operation.
One little girl was appropriated.
All the victims had roles at the union.
The army entered the factory
and removed the cards of employees
on a list they had.
When the worker arrived
and asked about their card,
they were arrested and put
in one of the armed forces trucks
parked at the entrance of the factory.
Army men went from section to section
picking the workers registered on a list
with the letterhead
Molinos Ro de La Plata.
Word at the plant was
that the workers who organized
the strikes were marked.
After the coup,
the overseers of each section
made a list of the activists' names.
Abductions conducted at addresses
that only the company knew about.
Lasalle, raid to his parents' home
in Adrogu.
That was the residence
he gave at the factory.
Fermn Gonzalez,
his mother's house was raided.
It was the one registered in the factory.
The victims that directly incriminate
the company
for being abducted in their workplace
not only disappeared physically,
but were also blotted out
of Molinos records
as if they had never worked there.
With the coup,
the company got significant profits.
It went from $51 million in losses
to profits in the two following years
of over 133 and 111 million.
Cost of labour: 14% at the beginning
of the dictatorship.
It went down to 8% by the end of 1982.
By the end of the dictatorship,
Molinos was one of the companies
with the largest amount of foreign credit.
This debt would later
be assumed by the State.
Abduction of over 10 workers,
almost all of them active at unions.
2 of them are currently disappeared.
There's evidence of responsibility
by the company,
particularly by Adolfo Navajas Artaza,
its president.
Supply of information
and logistical and material resources.
Managers and high-ranking officers
motivated the arrests.
Presence of police personnel
inside the company
on a permanent basis.
Cases of abductions in houses located
inside the firm property.
Supply of physical places
to facilitate the repression.
Military campsite in company grounds.
Only the affiliated members who worked
at Las Maras were abducted.
According to several testimonies,
police officer Jose Ancheti
worked in Las Maras.
Police officer
Ramon Alberto Gimnez
affirmed taking part in his abduction
as a "pointer"
under Adolfo Navaja Artaza's orders.
Ancheti's task was indicating
the workers' homes
so they could be abducted.
He was hired as police officer
in Las Maras.
The repressors told him
that Pablo Navajas
had paid them $700 for torturing him.
The day he was arrested in his house,
the company had given him
a special day off.
Reynaldo Yualek showed him
a kind of card or file marked with red
with his father's name on it.
He had been marked by the company.
Victims' relatives regularly went
to ask Navajas Artaza
for the freedom of prisoners.
They were sure they were in prison
because he had commanded so.
At least 6 workers of the company
were victims of crimes against humanity.
2 labour lawyers,
Olavarra mining union consultants,
were abducted and tortured.
Managers reported
to military authorities.
Intervention of factories
and military presence.
Loma Negra managers
were directly involved.
Evidence indicate the responsibility
of managers
in the cement works factory.
Participation in information logistics
for illegal purposes.
Threats to use repression by managers.
Persecution of workers and union lawyers
for political reasons.
The company took evident advantage
from the new power relations
introduced by the coup.
Deliberately falsified reports
to cause the arrest of 6 workers.
The benefit obtained by the company
from the abduction
or murder of union lawyers
speaks of the advantage
taken by the company
of the new situation
created by state terrorism.
The company also took the opportunity
to modify unilaterally in 1977
the general wages agreement.
These rapid advances by the company
against labour triumphs
in years prior to the coup
were accompanied by a process
of selective expulsion.
The lack of investigations and reports
made impossible to prove
the corporate involvement in the crimes.
The return of the victims to the plant
dampened the mood,
and affected a deepened depression,
spreading the terror
among all the workmates.
Some arrests happened
at the factory doors.
The workers more involved in the union
were made to resign.
Arrests of union members
at the Barker plant.
They had surrounded the factory
with tanks to instil fear.
At the Barker plant,
Loma Negra set up an armed guard.
Identity control of those who entered.
They ordered the cement workers
to request authorization
at the police station
when they intended to leave the area.
The union office was closed.
The union leaders' and representatives'
houses were raided.
Intelligence reports admitted
to the infiltration
of police personnel in the factory.
1975, highest level
of participation of workers
in the company income: 19%.
In the following period,
that participation plummeted
until reaching 9% in 1983.
The company invoicing
had a continuous increase.
However,
the cost of labour decreased.
In 1983, Loma Negra workforce
was reduced by half
compared to the approximate number
of 1,500 in 1976.
Some testimonies indicate
close personal relationships,
such as the one
between Amalia Lacroze
with army officer Luis Premoli.
He retired from the force in June 1976,
and devoted himself
to the company's interests.
Another man linked to the forces
that took part
in the company management
was lawyer Eugenio Carlos Aramburu,
son of ex de facto president
Pedro Eugenio.
He joined the company board in 1978.
The newspaper supported the several coups
that happened in the country.
Highly conservative, anti-Peronist
and pro coup position.
After the coup,
the company dismissed 17 workers
benefiting from the suspension
of labour rights
introduced by the regime.
Two of the most combative workers
were abducted, tortured
and later murdered in July 1976.
Enrique Heinrich,
Miguel Angel Loyola.
They were very active in the union.
The intelligence services acted
together with the management
when they were picked
as the workers to get rid of.
The crimes were silenced
on the newspaper pages.
Their lifeless bodies appeared
with signs of torture
and numerous bullet impacts.
No manager or journalist
of La Nueva Provincia
attended their funeral
or gave condolences to their families.
The finding of the bodies evidenced
extreme levels of violence and cruelty.
These crimes happened
immediately after a labour dispute.
It had a strong exemplary effect
on the rest of workers.
No more protests were organized.
Different sources indicate
that the company managers
and, on one particular occasion,
Diana Julio Massot
gave the order to abduct and murder
Heinrich and Loyola.
Lawyer and lieutenant colonel
Mauricio Gutierrez
went of his own free will
and reported a conversation
on the days prior
to the abductions and murders
between Diana Julio Massot
and general Osvaldo Azpitarte.
Adel Vilas had told him
about that meeting.
"Osvaldo, we have no choice
other than wiping them out."
At least 118 workers were victims
of crimes against humanity.
52 are disappeared or were murdered.
35 belonged
to the plants Fiat Concord,
Fiat Materfer
and Grandes Motores Diesel
located in Ferreyra.
17 workers
disappeared or murdered
at the El Palomar factories
in Caseros and Sauce Viejo.
Most of these workers
were union representatives
or had an active role
in the works council.
The firm managers
and high-ranking officers
were well aware
of the violations to human rights
committed against their workers.
The 3rd Army Division
arrested 50 union representatives
in the workplace and in their homes
without a court order.
259 dismissed workers.
95% of them were members
of the works councils
and representative bodies.
False confrontations.
Many of the arrests
were conducted near Fiat plants
to intimidate workers.
Collaboration
with the abduction of workers
in the premises.
Supply of files.
Participation of company
security personnel
in abduction operations.
Illegal arrest of workers
inside the factory.
Awareness of incidents
by senior managers.
Lellin's girlfriend suspected
something strange was going on
and went to the factory.
She was told he hadn't gone to work.
But she saw his car
parked in the plant lot.
Clear participation of company guards
or security personnel
when they came looking for her son.
One of the men
who burst into the house
was wearing a shirt from Fiat Concord.
Often times it was Fiat's own personnel
who conducted illegal arrests
at the entrance of the factory or nearby.
Supply of files, addresses,
photo albums and information
by the personnel office
to the armed forces.
Graciela Geuna,
after her captivity at La Perla,
confirms having seen company folders
during interrogations
and torture sessions.
La Perla received complete folders
with photos of all the workers
from each factory.
In 1973, Arnaldo Rojas was murdered.
In 1974, activist union worker
and Communist Party member.
Jacobo Sarudiansky disappeared.
Murder of labour lawyer
Alfredo "Cuqui" Curutchet.
Homicide of Atilio Lopez,
Cordoba vice governor removed from office
and UTA union leader.
Pedro Cipriano Finger Rodrguez,
Adrin Renato Machado Garcia,
Juan Antonio Delgado,
Maximino "Petiso" Snchez,
Rene Salamanca,
Jos Alberto Ceballos,
Wilfredo Jess Meloni,
Miguel ngel Del Pla,
Pascual Delfn Luduea Leiva,
Guillermo Nievas Luduea,
Jess Jernimo Canelo,
Eduardo Jorge Mortini,
Martn Mora Jaime,
Alberto Canovas Estape,
Mario Domingo Oviedo Gonelli,
Nstor Gilberto Lellin D'Francesco,
Marcelo Hugo Abregu Aguirre,
Ectore Forneri,
Carlos Hctor Germn,
Beatriz Susana Snchez
Hernndez de Phaffen,
Hctor Oscar Lauge,
Carlos Hctor Germn,
Jorge Argaaraz,
Jos Mara Loyola Fajardo,
Arnaldo Anbal Liebana,
Roberto Eduardo Ferri,
Elda Francisetti,
Hctor Eliseo Martnez,
Ramiro Sergio Bustillo Rubio,
Carlos Guillermo Barrientos Vargas,
Hugo Jose Oyarzo,
Daniel Santos Ortega,
Pascual Hctor Ortega,
Carlos Masera,
Alberto Isidoro Losada Heredia,
Juan Eliseo Ledesma,
Juan Carlos Jurez,
Luis Alberto Lopez Mora,
Florencio Esteban Daz,
Eduardo Guillermo Castello Soto,
Alfredo Fornosari,
Ral Jos Suffi Gramajo.
Besides the persons just mentioned,
there's information
about the following workers
and ex-workers,
victims of state terrorism
in Fiat plants located in Ferreyra:
Ral Oscar Ceballos Cantn,
Vctor Omar Frontera Barrios,
Alberto Rubn Gonzlez Asee,
Ana Mara Liendo,
Oscar Omar Reyes,
Jorge Ernesto Romero Ricco,
Cristbal Rodolfo Romero Vera,
Ral Alberto Victorino Arguello,
Ramn Vilfredo Arguello,
Flix Gumersindo Bazn,
Jorge Anbal Benson,
Hugo Alfredo Bionchi,
Nancy Dora Castro,
Hugo Simn Ceaglio,
De Ciervi,
Ramn Ovidio Ferreyra,
Antonio Constanzo Fissore,
Jess Joaqun Gonzlez,
Ricardo Omar Gonzlez,
Florentino Alberto Julio,
Oscar Enrique Julio,
Lezcano,
Lima,
Faustino Renato Lpez,
Hctor Natalio Lpez,
Luis Andrs Maldonado,
Roberto Carlos Martnez,
Jose Hctor Pez,
Mario Polizzi,
Roberto Gerardo Post,
Vicente Pugliese,
Carlos Romero,
Rodolfo Cristbal Romero,
Francisco Rosales,
Rosales,
Ricardo Santiago Sarnago,
Ral Pedro Sere,
Dante Luis Suarez,
Alfio Taberna,
Osvaldo Ramn Torres,
Alberto Lucio Wilhelm,
Guillermo Edgardo Yulilta.
Regarding the plants located
in the provinces
of Buenos Aires and Santa Fe,
the following persons are registered:
Pedro Alcides Garca Castaeda,
Roberto Antonio Gimnez Tula,
Juan Marianidis De Vicenzo,
Guido Horacio Morn Surez,
Hugo Reynaldo Penino,
Jorge Oscar Scarimbolo Brunetti,
Mara Mercedes Valio Freijo,
Eduardo Villabrille Surez,
Gustavo Gerardo Dulicbruschi,
Norberto Cironi Prez,
Jorge Horacio Ardiles,
Jos Vctor Ardiles,
Vctor Manuel Caleffa,
Mximo Alberto Ferreyra,
Guillermo Daniel Cerveto.
There were at least 17 victims
at the Fiat plants in El Palomar
and Sauce Viejo.
Gabriel Di Vito,
Humberto Cecilio Ros,
Ral Ricardo Rodrguez Mesa,
Pablo Lorgio Borjas,
Bernardo Veksler,
Oscar Ramn Boero,
Norberto Aldo Partida Manccinelli.
Significant financial benefits.
The then president of the Central Bank
was Domingo Cavallo.
Statization of private sector debts.
Transformation of foreign private debt
into public debt.
Exponential increase
of Argentine foreign debt
throughout dictatorship.
The multinational conglomerate Fiat
(Sevel y Socma)
Managed to transfer debts to the state
totalling $177.875.000 dollars.
Systematic and comparative approach.
Transcending case studies
to make some connections
and patterns visible
in the combination.
This goes beyond the usual notion
of "complicity"
commonly associated
with being accessory to an action
carried out by another agent.
Concept of "accountability".
Active role by companies
in repressing workers.
The insufficiency of the "complicity"
concept should be addressed
as well as any other terminology
that gives corporate officers
a secondary role in the repression.
The existence
of clear corporate accountability
for the crimes against humanity
suffered by workers
should be pointed out.
This accountability should be
further studied by new investigations
in the name of memory and truth
and also in the name of justice.